Vampires in Africa

THE vampire state as described by Robert Guest has become increasingly commonplace in Africa. By devouring democracy, African leaders leave their economies bleeding and their political institutions in ruin. The deflation of democracy goes hand in hand with the deflation of opposition, and gross human rights violations against those who question the government. The rebirth of competitive party democracy is, therefore, essential to the survival of African good governance. And while the South African media and civic leaders decry the fate of Morgan Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change, they still stupidly believe that legitimate opposition here will come from within the ruling party and from the left. Recent utterances prove otherwise. Dictators who wish to rule until God removes them firstly do not believe in God and, secondly, have no reason to give up power when “governments of national unity” are incentives for remaining in power and the only mechanisms of survival for opposition parties. Free and fair elections and the right to contest political power are increasingly becoming the domain of political science text books as most African leaders, of whom President Thabo Mbeki is chief, do not believe in democracy. In this they have been supported by the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, which have been consistently weak in their condemnation of Robert Mugabe. They generally uphold the view that black entitlement to political power and control will keep the west forever obligated for having colonised them. Liberation leaders and their parties hold on to power even when their time is up. Even when they lose elections, they compel their competitors to cut a deal with them or face extinction, as we see in Zimbabwe today. Transitional governments are becoming the euphemism for forced political settlements that are illegitimate and a continuation of coercive rule by the elite. THE recent Kenyan conflagration is one of the worst examples of such political intolerance. While elections were held, it was clear that Mwai Kibaki was not going to give up power to his opponent, Raila Odinga. He felt entitled to power since he felt he had saved his people from Daniel arap Moi. When he lost, all hell broke loose, resulting in 1000 deaths and the internal displacement of more than 350000 people. The deal that was cut was not about giving up power, but about sharing power, at great cost to the taxpayer, as more pigs were included in the trough. There would now be a president and a prime minister, their deputies, a cabinet of 41 ministers and 50 assistant ministers. Post-election peace was bought at a heavy price, not only in terms of blood but also in terms of the economy as taxpayers had to foot the bill for the lifestyles of venal politicians who do not give a damn about the electorate In similar vein, Mbeki is holding out for a power-sharing deal between Mugabe and Tsvangirai. After all, who is Tsvangirai to think he can depose a liberation hero, even through free and fair elections? Mbeki would sooner see Tsvangirai tortured and killed than see the demise of his ally, Mugabe, whose hold over him is obviously more than political. Follow the money, I say. When I visited Kenya a few years ago, I met many people in political circles who were lamenting the demise of colonialism, just as people in Zimbabwe and here are beginning to say that life under Ian Smith and apartheid was better. Interviewing some refugees last month, I was astounded when they repeatedly told me that they “felt safer in white SA and with white people” than they do in this much-vaunted democracy of ours with their fellow Africans. Many also said they would sooner die in their war-ravaged countries than die here and left. This is the greatest indictment against SA — we are smug about condemning others, when our backyard needs some radical disinfectant. businessday Kadalie is a human rights activist based in Cape Town.